[Unofficial
translation]
The statement of the Central Committee on
the recent split in the Proletarian Party of
Purbo Bangla (PBSP)/Bangladesh
(May, 1999)
All
the party supporters and revolution-seeking progressive political activists-
sympathizers are being informed that a tragic split has occurred in our beloved
party and the leading force of the Maoist revolution in this country, the Proletarian
Party of Purbo Bangla (PBSP). Three of the main leaders of the Party, who are
known as Comrade A, B and C in the Party, have led that split. First, in
November last year, Comrade B and C left Party along with their followers.
Later, in March this year Comrade A and his followers also left the Party.
According to the latest information, both these factions, after leaving party
through totally denying the guidance of CC, have formed their own centers.
Comrade A has declared a centre called “the Maoist Bolshevik Reorganization
Movement” of Proletarian Party of Purbo Bangla (MBRM/PBSP), and Comrades B/C
have named their center as “the Maoist
Reorganizing Center” of Proletarian
Party of Purbo Bangla (PBSP)(MPK). Thus despite the highest flexible efforts on
the part of the Central Committee to preserve the party unity, through formally
forming separate centers, these comrades have completely left the Party.
¤ Why and how have these
splits taken place?
For the last
five years several serious existing dissents have acted as the basis behind
this split. We, the Maoists call, the guideline that exists in party of the questions
of ideology, program, path, and tactics for revolution, the Party Line. Any debate/struggle
as a result of basic reversal disagreements and contradictions with different
aspects of the line or any of its components, is called two-line struggle or 2LS.
We, Maoists believe that differences always exist within party, what can
develop into major or minor two line struggles. It’s very much natural and is a
objective law. But these struggles don’t always result in splits, nor it should
be so. In party the definite policy-discipline exist to conduct struggle around
disagreements, on which the 2LS can proceed while maintaining the party unity.
Decisions adopted by the majority in the party’s national congress or different
conferences (like the expanded meeting) or by the meetings of different bodies
(like the CC) have to be applied by the entire party. Even while internal
disagreements continue to exist, the Maoist party can unitedly go forward
through this method. As long as the central line of the party has not
degenerated into a clear anti-revolutionary line or a revolution-rejecter line,
defending of the party unity is of basic principle for the Maoists. Making split in a revolutionary party and
among the masses is considered a serious crime for the Maoists. Such split helps the enemy and hinders the
advance of the party, revolution and the masses.
Those comrades,
who have left the party and formed separate centers, have violated the guide
line of com. Mao and caused serious damage to the party, revolution and masses.
Comrades and
friends,
You, All know
that under the leadership of our party at the period of ‘89 there was a major
nationwide outbreak of great-armed struggle that faced a setback in face of
heavy suppression by the state machinery under the tutelage of Ershad
government, which was in power at that period. After that setback, Party
concentrated its efforts on the task of summing up that experience and in the
year 1992 the Third Congress was held to finalize that summation. In that
Congress and on the basis of the summation some basic changes were made to the
party line, especially on the political and military line
On political
line, the Congress put forward the class contradiction by correcting the
nationalist deviation of the past 25 years. At the same time on socio-economic
analysis, Congress adopted the evaluation of “ Imperialist-depended distorted
and underdeveloped capitalism” instead of the evaluation “semi-feudal”. And the
principal contradiction was identified as the contradiction between imperialist
lackey bureaucratic comprador bourgeoisie versus workers peasants and the broad
masses, though the land-distribution was maintained as a basic program.
On the other
hand, on military line “the line of annihilation” of the past 20-years was changed.
Instead of it, party adopted the line of keeping the state armed forces, and
not the local enemy, as the main target from the beginning of the war to lead
it forward from a position of total war, in which the selective annihilation
was also considered an important form of action. At the same time the Congress
continued upholding the line that developed in the post-SS ten years practice.
The post-SS ten years achieve line development of RGU ( Regular Guerilla Unit)-based defense
& attack in face of enemy repression in mass-base depended concentrated
region centering on program implementation/establish of people’s power instead
of the SS period-followed line of secret work & irregular guerrilla based
countrywide sporadic seizure of police station & out posts in the past (at
SS-period), was continued.
These new
positions on political and military line were adopted basically unanimously in
the Congress.
¤ After the Congress at
the end of ‘92/beginning of ’93, on the basis of these new lines, the Party
again concentrated its attention in building up new struggle. But in the course
of doing so, the problem of party’s subjective weakness for preparation for a
total war came to the fore. And the question of developing a concrete line for
preparation has come up. The 2LS first started at the central level over the
summation of this experience and answering new questions. It then gradually
became related with the whole subject of the military line, as well as with the
evaluation/ summation of the past party lines.
In the 4th
session of the CC in ’94. the problems of military line were very clearly
expressed. During ’95 and ’96 that contradiction gradually sharpened and spread
over aspects of the line and activities of the party. However, until the split
in ’98, the problems of the military line were the central point of the debate
and the contradiction within the party.
¤ An expanded Meeting
(EM) was held in `96 to take a decision on the contradiction over the military
line, as well as on this 2LS as a whole. (In our party, if congress is not able
to be organized then EM can be held instead, where decision on different line
positions as well as organizational matters such as formation/reorganizations
of the central forum are taken. This is established by the party Constitution).
The Secretary Comrade Anawar Kabir was endorsed by an absolute majority (this
line got 70% vote). The other dissident
positions altogether got the remaining 30%.
At the same
EM all the dissident comrades pledged
implement the line adopted by the congress
and the EM and to maintain the Party unity.
¤ But only few days after
the EM, especially in ’97 and ’98 the main dissidents started to create
obstacle to the implementation of the adopted line very aggressively, they
violated the Central guide and directions, formed factions against the center
and started extensive activities to split the party. And finally through
leaving party, they violated the very commitment they had taken in the EM.
¤ In the long 5 years of
2LS, no dissident comrade has offered a firm-settled, consolidated and
comprehensive line on military line. (Though com. A had submitted an overall
document in ’95, but it was an amalgam of several line positions and few days
after being defeated by the side of Secretary-line he declared the suspension
of his concluding chapter on proposed tasks). Despite that, whenever and
whatever opposition/logic/partial-position was raised by them, was distributed
among different levels of the party according to the constitutional law, especially
those were discussed in the CC and each and every time those were refuted by
the CC in Written form.
Apart from
political and military line question, all their different opinions on other
questions, including on mass-origination, on front, on international
activities, on democratic-centralism have analyzed, answered and refuted by the
CC in written form. Every time after being refuted the stepped backward, and
took shelter by raising opposition over newer subjects.
In the last
period, they were requested to submit their overall line, including on
political and military questions in written form to be circulated among
different levels of party six months before the Congress according to the Party
Constitution. Even though the main dissidents had been demoted from CC
membership in different periods because of their serious opposition on line
question, but in the whole period of five years nobody was demoted from the
policy-maker forum. But now instead of continuing the 2LS by submitting
documents representing their overall line, they have left party even despite
having enough scope in the party to continue the struggle. This the proof of
their weakness on line questions and it exposes their defeat in the partial
2LS.
¤ After leaving party,
they are now offering new statement/analysis/views on several questions of line
(which is good). In the past 5 years also they have raised several positions in
different times and after being defeated in debate they have raised newer questions.
─ The “Bolshevik
Movement” is now saying that the party line is
revisionist. Their main logic is that any kind of armed or unarmed preparation
for the People’s War means rejection of war and rejection of revolution.
According to revolutionary politics, this view is very much vulgar mechanical,
one-sided and non-Maoist— and it is
already been refuted by the CC with clear analysis. Their accusation against
the CC for violating the Constitution absurd. But they themselves have rejected
the line of the Third Congress and the Expanded Meeting on both fields of
military and political lines. And therefore the themselves are violating the
Constitution very clearly.
Not only that,
this faction and its leader Com. A are branding one of the party’s glorious periods,
the ten years (eighties) period as non-revolutionary. So, in this way they are
not only violating the Constitution but they are rejecting the very party
through opposing one of the main chapters of the history.
─ On the other hand MPK has not said that the
Party CC is revisionist, even after leaving the party. But they formed a
separate center after breaking away from the party. Thus they have been nakedly
violating Com. Mao’s guide : “Be united and don’t split”. To cover-up that
crime they are slandering that as if CC has throw them out of the Party.
In their
evaluation of the Party and the CC, the MPK resorted to dirty opportunism and
deceit. On the one hand they are saying they don’t consider the CC to be revisionist, but they
are trying create divisions in the mass organization by attacking the party
line calling it “revisionist politics”. On the one hand they are saying that
the party line is non-revolutionary, but on the other had they consider the CC
to be a revolutionary center. By this way
this faction are exposing their degenerated ideology and self-contradictory
line-position every day.
After breaking
up the party and forming a separate center, the MPK is calling on all the
splinters of the party to unite. This is nothing but a sly tactic on the
question of party unity— first breaking
the party and later raising empty slogans for unity. Id really they want unity
then why did they split? It nothing but the bourgeois ideology of sharing post
and power. Otherwise without a minimum solution to the differences in line,
this unity-line is eclectic and anti-Maoist.
Before the split
the B/C’s position and criticism against the CC on revolutionary politics, on
the matter of abandoning war, revolution, SS, and Mao was the same as A’s
position. Practically, they were all united against the CC in opposing the task
of revolutionary preparation, or the task of gaining material strength for a
real Maoist people’s war, on the basis of their one-sided and non-Maoist
understanding of the point “Guerrilla war from zero”. But after split, MPK took
a 180° turn and in the name of preparation
they made the working in open mass-organization as their principle task. In
this way this faction once again expressed their degraded and unprincipled
position and right line in essence.
─ By raising the flag of Com. SS, both these
fractions are trying to pretend that the CC has abandoned SS. It is nothing but
an absolute lie, because the Third Congress had evaluated Com. SS as a great
Maoist revolutionary leader and the CC wholeheartedly agrees with this. In
fact, they were the ones who abandoned
the unanimous position of dialectical summation of Com. SS line (adopted in the
Third Congress). Even though they also consider many aspects of Com. SS to be
wrong, but are not saying those openly and are trying to dishonestly use the
image of Com. SS.
─ On the field of military line both the
factions in the last 5 long years have established a history of several
shameful somersaults. Com. A once said that he was the developer of the Third
Congress line and the Third Congress line and the SS-line were basically the
same. Then he said that SS did not uphold any “annihilation” line, that he (A)
is the follower of the ‘73-‘74 line, and blamed the CC for following a
“reformist” “annihilation-line”. Now with a full tumble his “Bolshevik
Movement” is saying that the “tactics” of annihilation of SS was correct.
Through this he not only express the unsteadiness of his line, but also
expressed the inability to understand the differentiation between accepting annihilation
as a form of action in the total war and the annihilation-line followed by the
party in the past 20-years.
On the other
hand Com. B first said that he wanted the armed struggle of the 20 years no
mor, and we have to apologize to the masses for this, thus he has rejected the
20-years. But now B/C’s MPK is saying that 20-years has been rejected that by
the CC and they are in favor of the 20-years and the annihilation-line.
Specially,
neither group has been able to present an overall summation of the pre ‘90
struggle of 20-years. They some times upholds SS-line, some times ten years,
some times Pyarabagan, some times ‘73-‘74 and lately they are upholding the
annihilation-line. In this process they have fallen in an anarchic situation
over one of the main line question of revolution—
i.e. the military line.
─ In the field of political line both the
factions in socio economic analysis are saying “semi-feudalism”. But on the
question of the principal contradiction they are totally silent. By this way they
abandon the unanimous line of the Third Congress. And they are avoiding Party’s
established heritage of determining the principal contradiction and the
contributions of Com. SS. But on this question at the time when they were in
the party, during all of last 5 years they did not conduct even a minimum of
2LS through making any explanatory-analytical document. Only Com. A raised some
opinions against the Third Congress line on this question in ’98 in the course
of criticizing the activities in one region in relation to one particular
incident. To refute that opinion the CC responded in writing and called on Com.
A to present his debate-analysis. But instead of doing so he has divided the
party.
Besides exposing
refuting and struggling against serious wrong position of dissidents and
denouncing the serious sin of splitting the party, we are saying that, as much
as we know about their line, we still don’t consider them to be totally
revisionist or non-revolutionary. On MLM, stage of revolution, enemy-ally-principal
force, the path of rural area based protracted people’s war, support to RIM— etc., that is, on basic
ideological-political questions we have unity with them. So, we consider this
split a serious mistake.
That’s why from
the beginning we have proposed to them, that if they accept the Maoist
character of the party, if they dismantle their factional centers and seek
unity with party, party will certainly consider it. We believe that being
united in party, the existing disagreements under the above mentioned
line-frame should be solved through internal 2LS, and party unity shuld be
maintained through the implementation of the majority-line.
¤ But the dissidents have
not listened to this call by the CC and have heightened their splittist
activities.
This will have a
negative effect upon the revolution and the masses of Purbo Bangla. It would
damage the Maoist revolution. And the enemies of revolution and the
revisionists will gain profit. Under the leadership of the CC, the party
cadres-sympathizers of all levels very clearly and firmly believe that party
can advance forward by defeating this type of splitting acts. The Party
certainly overcome the damages caused by this split by developing the
party-line further through this 2LS, by more dynamically guiding the party as a
disciplined centralized party and most importantly through advancing the
revolutionary struggle on basis of Party’s Maoist line.
¤ Through the dissidents
have left the party but the party is continuing and will continue the 2LS
against their wrong line. In this way on each and every line question the CC
will struggle, will defeat the wrong line and through will also develop its own
line. The party is firmly promised in its position to defeat their factional
splitting line.
At the same time
the party will maintain the united-front line with them. In the mean time we
have made this call to them through a written document, though still they have
not responded to that.
¤ We want to inform to
the class conscious working class, politically advanced people and progressive
political activists of this country that, in the past whenever anybody has
tried to split our party, they have eventually failed. The splitter forces
including Fazlu-Sultan in ’72, Ziauddin-Rana-Arif in ’75, “Sotta” faction in ’76
succeeded to create complex situation for the party but ultimately they were
all defeated. We are sure, this time, it will be the same. In the mean time the
majority of the leaders, cadres and sympathizers are firmly united under the
leadership of the Central Committee and they sharply denounce the sinful
activities of these few splitter forces. We firmly believed that, by learning
from Maoist teachings through the complex 2LS and in process of practical
revolutionary struggle the miss-guided sincere revolutionaries certainly will
come-back to the Party and those who are incorrigible will be thrown in the
garbage—this the teaching of the
history.
¤ We are calling on all
levels of well-wishers of party & revolution : maintain firm confidence on
the genuine Maoist revolutionary party in this country, the Proletarian Party
of Porbo Bangla (PBSP), under the leadership of the party’s Central Committee
guided by Comrade Anwar kabir, and continue your assistance to the party. To
understand the on going 2Ls in a better way, study the circulated party
documents. Please help our Party by giving your suggestions.
The victory of
the Party, revolution and the masses is inevitable.!
w Long live
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism!
w Long live
Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM)!
w Long live martyr
Comrade Shiraj Sikdar!
w Long live Proletarian
Party of Purbo Bangla (PBSP)/Bangladesh!
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